-- begin forwarded message: --

June  3, 1999



Michel Chossudovsky

Professor of Economics at the University of Ottawa and author of The
Globalization of Poverty, Impacts of IMF and World Bank Reforms, Third
World Network, Penang and Zed Books, London, 1997. Member of the Ad Hoc
Committee to Stop Canada's Participation in the War in Yugoslavia.

C Copyright by Michel Chossudovsky, Ottawa, 1999. All rights reserved.


With NATO air-strikes entering their third month, a new stage of the
War has unfolded. NATO's "humanitarian bombings" have been stepped up
leading to mounting civilian casualties and human suffering. Thirty
percent of those killed in the bombings are children.1 In addition to
the use of cluster bombs, the Alliance is waging a "low intensity
nuclear war" using toxic radioactive shells and missiles containing
depleted uranium. Amply documented, the radioactive fall-out causes
cancer potentially affecting millions of people for generations to
come. According to a recent scientific report, "the first signs of
radiation on children including herpes on the mouth and skin rashes on
the back and ankles" have been observed in Yugoslavia since the
beginning of the bombings.2

In addition to the radioactive fall-out which has contaminated the
environment and the food chain, the Alliance has also bombed
Yugoslavia's major chemical and pharmaceutical plants. The bombing of
Galenika, the largest medicine factory in Yugoslavia has contributed to
releasing dangerous, highly toxic fumes. When NATO forces bombed plants
of the Pancevo petrochemical complex in mid-April "fire broke out and
huge quantities of chlorine, ethylene dichloride and vinyl chloride
monomer flowed out. Workers at Pancevo, fearing further bombing attacks
that would blow up dangerous materials, released tons of ethylene
dichloride, a carcinogen, into the Danube."3


Ethnic Albanians have not been spared by NATO air raids. Killing ethnic
Albanians in Kosovo is said to be "inevitable" in carrying out a
"humanitarian operation on behalf of ethnic Albanians". In addition to
the impacts of the ground war between the KLA and the Yugoslav Armed
Forces, the bombings and the resulting radioactive fall-out in Kosovo
have been more devastating than in the rest of Yugoslavia.

Presented as a humanitarian mission, the evidence amply confirms that
NATO's brutal air raids of towns and villages in Kosovo have triggered
the exodus of refugees. Those who have fled their homes to refugee
camps in Macedonia and Albania have nothing to return to, nothing to
look forward to... An entire country has been destroyed, its civilian
industry and public infrastructure transformed into rubble. Bridges,
power plants, schools and hospitals are displayed as "legitimate
military targets" selected by NATO's Combined Air Operations Centre
(CAOC) in Vicenza, Italy and carefully "validated prior to the pilot
launching his strike."

With the "diplomatic shuttle" still ongoing, the Alliance is intent on
inflicting as much damage on the Yugoslav economy (including Kosovo) as
possible prior to reaching a G8 brokered "peace initiative" which will
empower them to send in ground troops. "Allied commanders have steadily
widened their list of economic targets... Increasingly, the impact of
NATO air strikes has put people out of work... causing water shortages
in Belgrade, Novi Sad and other Serbian cities. ... [T]he effect was to
shut down businesses, strain hospitals' ability to function and cut off
water..."4. Some 115 medical institutions have been damaged of which
several have been totally demolished.  And hospital patients
--including children and the elderly-- are dying due to the lack of
water and electricity...5

General Wesley Clark, NATO's Supreme commander in Europe, confirmed in
late May that "NATO'S air campaign has not reached its peak yet and the
alliance should be prepared for more civilian casualties."6. General
Clark also confirmed that "he would be seeking to increase the number
of air strikes in Kosovo and expand the range of targets.7 As the
bombings entered their third month, there was also a noticeable change
in "NATO rhetoric". The Alliance had become increasingly unrepentant,
NATO officials were no longer apologising for civilian casualties,
claiming that the latter were contributing to "helping Milosevic's
propaganda machine."


Drowned in the barrage of media images and self-serving analyses, the
broader strategic interests and economic causes of the War go
unmentioned. The late Sean Gervasi writing in 1995 had anticipated an
impending War. According to Gervasi, Washington's strategic goals
stretched well beyond the Balkans. They largely consisted in
"installing a Western-style regime in Yugoslavia and reducing the
geographic area, power and influence of Serbia to a minimum...."8

In this context, the installation of American power in Southern Europe
and the Mediterranean also constitutes a step towards the extension of
Washington's geopolitical sphere of influence beyond the Balkans into
the area of the Caspian Sea, Central Asia and West Asia.

In this regard, NATO's military intervention in Yugoslavia (in
violation of international law) also sets a dangerous precedent. It
provides "legitimacy" to future military interventions. To achieve its
strategic objectives, national economies are destabilised, regional
conflicts are financed through the provision of covert support to armed
insurgencies... In other words, the conflict in Yugoslavia creates
conditions which provide legitmacy to future interventions of the
Alliance into the "internal affairs of sovereign nations".

The consolidation of American strategic interests in Eastern Europe,
the Balkans (and beyond) was not only marked by the enlargement of NATO
(with the accession of Hungary, Poland and the Czech Republic as NATO
members) barely two weeks before the beginning of the bombings, the War
in Yugoslavia also coincided with a critical split in geopolitical
alignments within the Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS).

In late April, Georgia, the Ukraine, Uzbekistan, Azerbaijan and Moldava
signed a pact in Washington, creating GUUAM, a regional alliance which
lies strategically at the hub of the Caspian oil and gas wealth, "with
Moldava and the Ukraine offering [pipeline] export routes to the
West".9 This geopolitical split bears a direct relationship to the
crisis in Yugoslavia. The region is already unstable marked by
nationalist conflicts and separatist movements.

The members of this new pro-NATO political grouping not only tacitly
support the bombings in Yugoslavia, they have also agreed to "low level
military cooperation" with NATO while insisting that "the group is not
a military alliance directed against any third party, namely Moscow."10

Dominated by Western oil interests, the formation of GUUAM is not only
intent on excluding Russia from the oil and gas deposits in the Caspian
area but also in isolating Moscow politically thereby potentially
re-igniting Cold War divisions...


In turn, the War in Yugoslavia has significantly stalled nuclear
arms-control initiatives leading to the cancellation of an exchange
program "that would have had US and Russian nuclear weapons officers in
constant contact at year's end to prevent any launches as a result of
Year 2000 computer troubles."11

Moreover,  Russia's military has also voiced its concern "that the
bombing of Yugoslavia could turn out in the very near future to be just
a rehearsal for similar strikes on Russia."12.

According to Dr. Mary-Wynne Ashford, co-president of the Nobel Peace
Prize winning International Physicians for the Prevention of Nuclear
War (IPPNW), the impact of NATO bombings of Yugoslavia "on nuclear
weapons policy is an extremely   serious development... Russians feel a
sense of betrayal by the West... because NATO took this action outside
the UN."13

Aleksander Arbatov, deputy chairman of the Defence Committee of the
Russian State Duma U.S.-Russian relations describes the War in
Yugoslavia as the "worst most  acute, most dangerous juncture since the
U.S.-Soviet Berlin and Cuban missile crises."14 According to Arbatov:

"START II is dead, co-operation with NATO is frozen, co-operation on
missile defence is out of the question, and Moscow's willingness to
co-operate on non-proliferation issues is at an all-time low. Moreover,
anti-U.S. sentiment in Russia is real, deep and more wide-spread than
ever, and the slogan describing NATO action - "today Serbia, tomorrow
Russia," is "deeply planted in Russian's minds."...15

Mary-Wynne Ashford also warns that whereas Russia was moving towards
integration with Europe, they [the Russians] now:

".... perceive their primary threat from the West. Officials in
[Russia's] Foreign Affairs (Arms Control and Disarmament) told us that
Russia has no option but to rely on nuclear weapons for its defence
because its conventional forces are inadequate.... Even if the bombings
stop now, the changes in Russia's attitude toward the West, its renewed
reliance on nuclear weapons with thousands on high alert, and its loss
of confidence in international law leave us vulnerable to
catastrophe.... This crisis makes de-alerting nuclear weapons more
urgent than ever. To those who say the Russian threat is all rhetoric,
I reply that rhetoric is what starts wars".16


This war is also "a War against the Truth". With protest movements
developing around the World, NATO has reinforced its clutch over the
mass media. In a stylised ("wag the dog") media mascarade, the Alliance
is relentlessly portrayed  as  "the saviour of ethnic Albanian
Kosovars". A full-fledged "cover-up operation" has been set in motion
with a view to thwarting public debate on the War.

The hidden agenda is to "silence the silent majority." The Western
media heeding to the Alliance's demands has blatantly misled public
opinion. Casually portrayed on TV screens, civilian deaths are
justified as inevitable "collateral  damage". According to the
Pentagon, "there is no such thing as clean combat."17

Meanwhile, anti-war commentators (including former ambassadors and OSCE
officials) have been carefully removed from mainstream public affairs
programmes, TV content is closely scrutinised, the images of civilian
deaths and destruction relayed from Belgrade are seldomly and
selectively displayed, journalists are under tight supervision. While
the media does not hesitate to criticize NATO for having committed
"errors" and "tragic mistakes", the legitimacy of the military
operation and its "humanitarian mandate" are not questioned:

"Public opinion is confronted with a loaded question which allows only
one answer. In the present war, that question is, "Doesn't ethnic
cleansing have to be stopped?" This simplification allows the media to
portray Yugoslavia rather than NATO as the aggressor. The alliance, in
a complete inversion of reality, is presented as conducting an
essentially defensive war on behalf of the Kosovar Albanians..." when
in fact ethnic Albanians are the principle victims of NATO's
"humanitarian bombings."18

According to NATO's propaganda machine, "ethnic Albanians do not flee
the bombings" and the ground war between the KLA and the Yugoslav Army.
According to Diana Johnstone this makes them "nearly unique [because]
throughout history, civilians have fled from war zones.... No, as we
have heard repeatedly from NATO spokesmen and apologists, Kosovo
Albanians run away from only one thing:  brutal ethnic cleansing
carried out by Serbs."19

The refugee crisis we are told by NATO is limited to Kosovo. Yet the
evidence (withheld by the Western media) confirms that people
throughout Serbia are fleeing major cities:

Reliable estimates put the number of refugees who have left Belgrade to
escape the bombing at 400,000. Most are women and children, as with the
Kosovo Albanians.  At least another 500,000 have left Serbia's other
cities, notably Novi Sad and Nish, where NATO bombing has caused air
pollution, cut the water supply, and struck purely civilian targets
such as market squares.  Altogether, according to the Italian daily "Il
Manifesto", the NATO bombing has produced at least a million refugees
in Serbia. Predrag Simic, foreign policy adviser to Serbian opposition
leader Vuk Draskovic, told a Paris conference [in late May] that Kosovo
was being so thoroughly devastated by NATO bombing that nobody, neither
Albanians nor Serbs, would be able to go back and live there".20


Public "disapproval" of NATO bombings is immediately dismissed as "Serb
propaganda". Those who speak out against NATO are branded as
"apologists of Milosevic". While most anti-War critics in NATO
countries are not defenders of the Milosevic regime, they are
nonetheless expected to be "balanced" in their arguments. "Looking at
both sides of the picture is the rule": anti-war commentators are
invited to echo NATO's fabricated media consensus, to unequivocally
"join the bandwagon" against Milosevic. Under these circumstances, an
objective understanding and analysis of the role of the Milosovic
government since the civil War in Bosnia and in the context of the
present crisis in Kosovo has been rendered virtually impossible.

Media double standards? Whereas President Milosevic and four members of
his government were indicted by the Hague International Criminal
Tribunal (ICTY) (late May) for organising a policy of "ethnic
cleansing" in Kosovo, the news media failed to mention that several
parallel law suits were launched at The Hague Tribunal (ICTY), accusing
NATO leaders of "crimes against humanity."21

It is also worth mentioning that the UK government (whose Prime
Minister Tony Blair is among the list of accused in one of the parallel
law suits) has provided The Hague Tribunal with "intelligence on the
situation within Kosovo" since the beginning of the bombings.22 Part of
this intelligence material was relayed by the KLA with which British
Foreign Secretary Robin Cook has been in frequent contact as well as
through British Special Forces (SAS) directly collaborating with the


In May, a group of 15 Canadian lawyers and law professors together with
the American Association of Jurists (with members in more than 20
countries) launched a suit against NATO leaders at the ICTY in the
Hague.23 The suit points to "open violation" of the United Nations
Charter, the NATO treaty, the Geneva Conventions and the "Principles of
International Law Recognized by the Nuremberg Tribunal". The latter
makes: "planning, preparation, initiation or waging of a war of
aggression or a war in violation of international treaties, agreements
or assurances" a crime.24

The list of crimes allegedly committed by NATO leaders includes:

"wilful killing, wilfully causing great suffering or serious injury to
body or health, extensive destruction of property,... employment of
poisonous weapons [implying radioactive fall-out] or other weapons to
cause unnecessary suffering, wanton destruction of cities, towns, or
villages, or devastation not justified by military necessity,... "25

Under the terms of reference of the ICTY "a person who planned,
instigated, ordered, committed or otherwise aided and abetted in the
planning, preparation or execution of a crime shall be individually
responsible for the crime" and "the official position of any accused
person, whether as Head of State or Government or as a responsible
Government official, shall not relieve such person of criminal
responsibility or mitigate punishment."26

United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights Mary Robinson (and
former President of Ireland) confirmed in Geneva on 30 April that the
Prosecutor of the War Crimes Tribunal (ICTY) has the mandate not only
to prosecute Serb forces but that the Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA) and
NATO may also come under scrutiny, "if it appears that serious
violations of international humanitarian law have occurred."

According to Walter J. Rockler, former prosecutor of the Nuremberg War
Crimes Trials:

"The bombing war also violates and shreds the basic provisions of the
United Nations Charter and other conventions and treaties; the attack
on Yugoslavia constitutes the most brazen international aggression
since the Nazis attacked Poland to prevent "Polish atrocities" against
Germans. The United States has discarded pretensions to international
legality and decency, and embarked on a course of raw imperialism run


In the course of "covering-up" the real motivations of NATO in
launching the War, the international media has also failed to mention
that an official intelligence report of the German Foreign Ministry
(used to establish the eligibility of political refugees from Kosovo)
confirmed that there was no evidence of "ethnic cleansing" in Kosovo in
the months immediately preceding the bombings. Who is lying? German
Foreign Minister Joschka Fischer had justified NATO's intervention
pointing to a "humanitarian catastrophe", yet the internal documents of
his own ministry say exactly the opposite:

"Even in Kosovo an explicit political persecution linked to Albanian
ethnicity is not verifiable. The East of Kosovo is still not involved
in armed conflict.  Public life in cities like Pristina, Urosevac,
Gnjilan, etc. has, in the entire conflict period, continued on a
relatively normal basis. The actions of the security forces [were] not
directed against the Kosovo-Albanians as an ethnically defined group,
but against the military opponent [KLA] and its actual or alleged
supporters."... 28

[W]ith an agreement made with the Serbian leadership at the end of 1998
...  both the security situation and the conditions of life of the
Albanian-derived population have noticeably improved... Specifically in
the larger cities public life has since returned to relative

The above assessments are broadly consistent with several independent
evaluations of the humanitarian situation in Kosovo prior to the
onslaught of the bombing campaign. Roland Keith, a former field office
director of the OSCE Kosovo Verification Mission (KVM), who left Kosovo
on March 20th reported that most of the violence in Kosovo was
instigated by the Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA):

"Upon my arrival the war increasingly evolved into a mid intensity
conflict as ambushes, the encroachment of critical lines of
communication and the [KLA] kidnapping of security forces resulted in a
significant increase in government casualties which in turn led to
major Yugoslavian reprisal security operations... By the beginning of
March these terror and counter-terror operations led to the inhabitants
of numerous villages fleeing, or being dispersed to either other
villages, cities or the hills to seek refuge... The situation was
clearly that KLA provocations, as personally witnessed in ambushes of
security patrols which inflicted fatal and other casualties, were clear
violations of the previous October's agreement [and United Nations
Security Council Resolution 1199]. The security forces responded and
the consequent security harassment and counter-operations led to an
intensified insurrectionary war, but as I have stated elsewhere, I did
not witness, nor did I have knowledge of any incidents of so-called
"ethnic cleansing" and there certainly were no occurrences of
"genocidal policies" while I was with the KVM in Kosovo. What has
transpired since the OSCE monitors were evacuated on March 20, in order
to deliver the penultimate warning to force Yugoslavian compliance with
the Rambouillet and subsequent Paris documents and the commencement of
the NATO air bombardment of March 24, obviously has resulted in human
rights abuses and a very significant humanitarian disaster as some
600,000 Albanian Kosovars have fled or been expelled from the province.
This did not occur, though, before March 20, so I would attribute the
humanitarian disaster directly or indirectly to the NATO air
bombardment and resulting anti-terrorist campaign."30


Carefully removed from the public eye, preparations for both "the air
campaign" and "the ground War" have been ongoing for almost a year
prior to the beginning of NATO's "humanitarian bombings" on March 24th

Responding to broad strategic and economic objectives, the Alliance's
first priority was to secure the stationing of armed combat troops in
Macedonia on the immediate border with Kosovo. US Secretary of Defense
William Cohen had travelled to Skopje in late December 1997 for
discussions with the Macedonian government and Military. These high
levels talks were followed a few months later by the visit of
Macedonia's Defense Minister L. Kitanoski to Washington for meetings at
the Pentagon. On the agenda: the establishment of a NATO base in

No time was lost: on May 6, 1998, the NATO Council met "to review
alliance efforts" in the region; a major military exercise entitled
"Cooperative Best Effort" was slated to take place in Macedonia in
September. NATO nonetheless "reassured the international community"
that the military exercise was not meant to be "a rehearsal", rather it
was to enable "NATO military authorities to study various options.
Decisions on whether to execute any of those options would be a matter
for future decision."32

Largely the consequence of KLA terrorism, the deterioration of the
security situation in Kosovo conveniently provided NATO with a pretext
to build up its ground forces in Macedonia (composed largely of British
and French troops).  According to NATO, it was therefore necessary to
envisage "a more complicated and ambitious [military] exercise [in
Macedonia] to send a clear political signal [to Belgrade] of NATO's


In parallel with the setting up of its military operations in Albania
and Macedonia, NATO had established direct links with the Kosovo
Liberation Army (KLA). A US Department of Defense briefing confirms in
this regard that "initial contacts" between the KLA and NATO had taken
place by mid-1998:

"...the realization has come to people [in NATO] that we [NATO] have to
have the UCK [acronym for KLA in Albanian] involved in this process
because they have shown at least the potential to be rejectionists of
any deal that could be worked out there with the existing Kosovo
parties. So somehow they have to be brought in and that's why we've
made some initial contacts there with the group, hopefully the right
people in the group, to try and bring them into this negotiating
process. 34

While these "initial contacts" were acknowledged by NATO officially
only in mid-1998, the KLA had (according to several reports) been
receiving "covert support" and training from the CIA and Germany's
Bundes Nachrichten Dienst (BND) since the mid-nineties.35

The concurrent building up of KLA forces was part of NATO planning. By
mid-1998 "covert support" had been gradually replaced --despite the
KLA's links to organised crime-- by official ("overt") support by the
military Alliance in violation of UN Security Council Resolution UNSCR
1160 of 31 March 1998 which condemned: "...all acts of terrorism by the
Kosovo Liberation Army or any other group or individual and all
external support for terrorist activity in Kosovo, including finance,
arms and training."

On 24 September 1998, another key UN Security Council Resolution (UNSCR
1199) was adopted which called "upon the authorities in Belgrade and
the leadership of  the  Kosovar Albanian community urgently to enter
without preconditions into a meaningful dialogue on political status
issues." It also required Belgrade to withdraw its troops from Kosovo.

Following a renewed wave of KLA terrorism, the Yugoslav authorities
were blamed for the "crackdowns on ethnic Albanians" providing NATO
defense ministers meeting in Vilmoura Portugal (September 24th on the
same day as the adoption of UNSCR 1199) with the "justification" to
issue an "activation warning" for a campaign of air strikes against
Serb positions. The Vilmoura statement called upon Belgrade to "take
immediate steps to alleviate the humanitarian situation..., stop
repressive actions against the population and seek a political solution
through negotiations with the Albanian majority".36

This so-called "activation warning" was followed in mid-October by "an
activation order" by the North Atlantic Council authorising NATO's
Supreme Commander for Europe General Wesley Clark to initiate "limited
air strikes" and a "phased air campaign" ... should the Yugoslav
authorities refuse to comply with UNSCR 1199.37

Under the impending threat of air strikes, a partial withdrawal was
carried out by Belgrade (following the adoption of UNSCR 1199) creating
almost immediately conditions for the KLA to occupy positions
previously held by retreating Serb forces. In turn, the strengthening
of the KLA was accompanied by renewed terrorist activity and a
consequent "worsening of the security situation".  NATO's hidden
objective, in this regard, was to use the KLA insurgency to further
provoke ethnic tensions and generate social strife in Kosovo.

In the meantime, US envoy Richard Holbrooke had entered into
discussions with President Milosovic. Forged under the threat of NATO
air strikes, negotiations on Kosovo's political status had also been
initiated in Pristina between a Serbian delegation led by President
Milan Milutinovic and Ibrahim Rugova, President of the Democratic
League (DLK) representing ethnic Albanians. While Mr Christopher Hill,
the US envoy had been invited as an observer to these meetings,
Milutinovic had insisted that the negotiations (which proceeded from
UNSCR 1199) were an internal matter.

Following the agreement between US envoy Richard Holbrooke and
President Slobodan Milosevic, Yugoslavia was to complete negotiations
on "a framework for a political settlement" by the 2nd of November
1998. Moreover, a Verification Mission to establish compliance with
resolutions UNSCR 1160 and UNSCR 1199, was put in place in Kosovo under
the auspices of the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe
(OSCE). A parallel NATO air verification mission (complementing the
OSCE verification mission)  was established following an agreement
signed in Belgrade on 15 October 1998 by the Yugoslav Chief of General
Staff and NATO Supreme Allied Commander for Europe, General Wesley

The terms of both the OSCE and NATO verification agreements were
subsequently embodied in UNSCR 1260 of October 24th. Whereas Belgrade
was given a 96 hour "deadline for compliance", the Alliance decided to
postpone the initiation of air strikes following talks in Belgrade
(October 25-26) between President Slobodan Milosevic and General Wesley
Clark. According to the Alliance statement: "NATO will remain prepared
to carry out air operations should they be necessary" 38. In the
meantime, NATO launched Operation Eagle Eye using unarmed aircraft and
unmanned predator aerial vehicles (UAVs).  Eagle Eye surveillance
activities were coordinated with the "ground verification" mission
conducted by OSCE observer teams and by the Kosovo Diplomatic Observer
Mission (KDOM).


In the meantime, a career US diplomat, Ambassador William G. Walker was
appointed Head of the OSCE Kosovo Verification Mission (KVM). A
tailor-made assignment: Walker was well-known for his role in the
"Iran-Contragate" scandal during the Reagan administration. The KLA
insurgency was in many regards a "carbon copy" of the Nicaraguan
Contras which had also been funded by drug money with covert support
from the CIA.

Well documented by court files, William G. Walker --in association with
Oliver North-- played a key role in channelling covert funding to the
Nicaraguan Contras while serving as Deputy Assistant Secretary of State
for Inter-American Affairs in the Reagan Administration. In this
capacity, he became a special assistant to Assistant Secretary of State
Elliot Abrams, "a figure whose name would soon be making its way into
the headlines on a daily basis in connection with ... the "Iran-Contra"

William G. Walker had been involved in the so-called Nicaraguan
Humanitarian Assistance Office ("NHAO") in the State Department which
was a cover-up fund whereby covert military aid was supplied to the
Contras. The objective was to circumvent the so-called "Boland
Amendments", --ie. "riders" to the Department of Defense Appropriation
Act, "which prohibited the [US] government from spending money for the
purpose of overthrowing the government of Nicaragua". 40 Confirmed by
files of the US Court of Appeal (District of Columbia), "Walker
attended some meetings of the Restricted Interagency Group for Central
America, of which Oliver North was a member".41

Walker was never indicted for criminal wrong-doings in the Iran-
Contragate scandal. Upon completing his work with Oliver North, he was
appointed US Ambassador to El Salvador. His stint in El Salvador
coincided with the rise of the death squadrons and a period during
which the country was virtually "under the grip of US sponsored State

In Kosovo, William G. Walker applied his skills in covert operations
acquired in Central America. As head of the Kosovo Verification Mission
(KVM), Walker maintained close links to the KLA military command in the
field.43 From the outset of his mission in Kosovo, he used his position
to pursue the interests of the Alliance.


The so-called "Racak massacre" occurred shortly before the launching of
the Rambouillet "peace initiative". although it turned out to be a
fake, the Racak massacre nonetheless played a key role in "setting the
stage" for NATO's air raids. William Walker declared (in his capacity
as head of KVM) that the Yugoslav police had carried out a massacre of
civilians at Racak on January 15th. The Yugoslav authorities retorted
that local police had in fact conducted an operation in this village
against the Kosovo Libration Army and that several KLA soliders had
died in cross-fire. As later reported by several French newspapers (Le
Monde, Le Figaro and Liberation), it was confirmed that the "Racak
massacre" was indeed a fake put together with a view to discrediting

"Eventually, even the Los Angeles Times joined in, running a story
entitled "Racak Massacre Questions: Were Atrocities Faked?" The theory
behind all these exposs was that the KLA had gathered their own dead
after the battle, removed their uniforms, put them in civilian clothes,
and then called in the observers."44.


On January 22, senior officials of the so-called "Contact Group" of six
countries (including the US, Russia, Britain, France, Germany and
Italy) meeting in London called for a peace conference which would
bring together the Yugoslav government and "representatives of ethnic
Albanians." In turn, NATO warned that it was "ready to act" if the
peace plan to be finalised by the Contact Group were rejected. United
Nations Secretary General Kofi Annan concurred during a visit to NATO
headquarters in Brussels that the threat of force was "essential" to
press both sides into a settlement.45

In the meantime, while supporting the KLA insurgency on the ground, the
Alliance had also contributed to spearheading KLA leader Hashim Thaci
(a 29 year "freedom fighter") into heading the Kosovar delegation to
Rambouillet, on behalf of the ethnic Albanian majority. The Democratic
League headed by Ibrahim Rugova had been deliberately side-stepped. The
Alliance was relying on its KLA puppets (linked to organised crime) to
rubber-stamp an agreement which would have transformed Kosovo into an
occupied territory under NATO military rule.

While negotiations were ongoing in Rambouillet, NATO decided to
increase the readiness of its assigned forces "so as to make them able
to execute the operation within 48 hours".46 In other words, "peace
negotiations" had been initiated in Rambouillet (contrary to the Vienna
Convention) under the threat of impending air strikes. NATO had granted
a three weeks period to the parties meeting in Rambouillet to conclude

On February 19, one day prior to the deadline, NATO Secretary General
Javier Solano reaffirmed that, "if no agreement is reached by the
deadline set by the Contact Group, NATO is ready to take whatever
measures are necessary to avert a humanitarian catastrophe".47 And on
22 March 1999, NATO'S North Atlantic Council authorised"the Secretary
General to decide, subject to further consultations, on a broader range
of air operations if necessary."48 And on 23 March 1999, NATO's
Secretary General directed the Supreme Allied Commander in Europe
General Wesley Clark to initiate air operations in the Federal Republic
of Yugoslavia. Air operations commenced on 24 March 1999 under the
nickname "Operation Allied Force."49


Since the brutal onslaught of the air campaign on March 24, the
Alliance has continued to build up its ground combat troops on the
Macedonian border in anticipation of an impending military invasion.
Initially NATO had envisaged a Kosovo occupation force of 50,000 troops
which could be increased to 60,000 with a larger US share than the
4,000 initially envisaged under Rambouillet.

In other words, the proposed invasion force was to be more than double
that under Rambouillet (28,000 troops) while also enforcing all the
normative clauses of the initial Rambouillet agreement including the
"free movement" of NATO combat units throughout Yugoslavia.

In the meantime, NATO's military establishment was forcing the pace of
international diplomacy. The Alliance hinted in May that a ground
offensive could be launched prior to reaching a "peace agreement"
sanctioned by the G8 and ratified by the United Nations Security

In addition to the 16,000 ground troops already stationed (well before
the beginning of the bombings) in Macedonia (of which almost half are
British), some 7000 NATO troops and "special forces" were also present
in Albania, not to mention the NATO troops stationed in
Bosnia-Herzegovina under Operation Joint Endeavour:

"We've already put quite a lot of troops in Macedonia as the nucleus of
that operation", said British Foreign Secretary Robin Cook. "There are
over 12,000 there already... and last weekend [14-15 May] we committed
another two and a half thousand to go there. We need to build up -
actually we need to build up now..."50.

In late May, the 60,000 troops target was revised to 150,000. Alliance
officials estimating that "if the alliance later decides to mobilize
for a land attack ... an invasion force could number more than 150,000
soldiers."51 Prime Minister Tony Blair in a separate statement had
(without any form of parliamentary debate) confirmed the sending of
50,000 British troops as part of the 150,000 invasion force.

In early June, a NATO led invasion under a bogus G8-UN peace initiative
was put forth. While the latter served to appease and distract public
opinion, it usefully provided the Alliance with a semblance of
legitimacy under the UN Charter. It also purported to overcome the
hesitation of elected politicians including German Chancellor Gerhard
Schroeder and Italian Prime Minister Massimo D'Alema. The US
Administration also required the "rubber stamp" of the United Nations
Security Council so as to acquire the assent of the Republican
dominated Congress:

"House and Senate Democrats agree there is little support at this point
for launching ground troops... even if Clinton and other NATO leaders
could reach a consensus on such a dramatic shift in tactics. For now,
Clinton has said he is opposed to ground troops."52

The US House of Representatives (in what appeared to be a partisan
"anti-Clinton" vote) has declined to even endorse the air campaign
while signifying its refusal to authorize a "ground war" without
congressional approval. In early April, Republicans and Democrats
joined hands in the House and threw out a proposed "declaration of war
on Yugoslavia" by an overwhelming 427-2 vote.

In late May, seventeen members of Congress launched a suit against
President Clinton pointing to the blatant breach of the US

"that the Defendant, the President of the United States, is
unconstitutionally continuing an offensive military attack by United
States Armed Forces against the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia without
obtaining a declaration of war or other explicit authority from the
Congress of the United States as required by Article I, Section 8,
Clause 11 of the Constitution, and despite Congress' decision not to
authorize such action." 53

The law suit launched in District Court (District of Columbia) also
pointed to the violation of the War Powers Resolution of 1973, a
Vietnam War-era legislation which requires "the sitting President
congressional approval for the "introduction into hostilities" of the
U.S. armed forces for longer than 60 days":

Plaintiffs also seek a declaration that a report pursuant to Section
1543(a)(1) of the War Powers Resolution was required to be submitted on
March 26, 1999, within 48 hours of the introduction into hostilities in
the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia of United States Armed Forces.
Additionally, Plaintiffs seek a declaration that, pursuant to Section
1544(b) of the Resolution, the President must terminate the use of
United States Armed Forces engaged in hostilities against the Federal
Republic of Yugoslavia no later than sixty calendar days after March
26, 1999. The President must do so unless the Congress declares war or
enacts other explicit authorization, or has extended the sixty day
period, or the President determines that thirty additional days are
necessary to safely withdraw United States Armed Forces from combat.54


Echoing the barrage of self-serving NATO propaganda, the media scam now
consists in skilfully portraying Alliance ground troops as bona fide
"peace-keepers". Public opinion should not be deluded as to the meaning
of a G8-UN brokered diplomatic solution.

An "international presence" consisting largely of NATO troops under the
G8 proposal (ratified by the Serbian Parliament in early June) could
include a token participation of "non-NATO forces" including Russia and
the Ukraine.  While Moscow agreed in early June that all Yugoslav
forces be withdrawn from Kosovo alongside the disarmement of the KLA,
Russian envoy Viktor Chernomyrdin nonetheless insisted that the command
structure of the proposed international force be under the control and
jurisdiction of the United Nations.

Despite his perfunctory condemnation of NATO bombings, Russian
President Boris Yeltsin is a Western puppet. Chernomyrdin writing in
the Washington Post had earlier warned that a continuation of the air
raids could hurt US-Russian relations: "The world has never in this
decade been so close as now to be on brink of nuclear war..." adding
that "Russia would pull out of the negotiating process if  NATO
bombing, which started March 24, doesn't stop soon."55

In the meantime, the Alliance, however, had persisted in maintaining a
unified NATO command structure (which was unacceptable to Moscow and
Belgrade). NATO has also stepped up the bombings as a means of
pressuring Belgrade into accepting (without prior negotiation) NATO's
"five conditions".

If the G-8 proposal were to be ratified, NATO would first send in US
Marines into Kosovo from the 26th Marine Expeditionary Unit in the
Adriatic Sea. The Marines would be part of a so-called "Enabling Force"
prior to the moving in of a force of 50,000 troops.

A G-8 "peace proposal" (implying a de facto military occupation of
Kosovo) could be formally ratified at the Cologne G7-G8 Summit in
mid-June. All G7 heads of government and heads of State together with
President Boris Yeltsin will be in attendance at Cologne in what is
hoped to be a highflown display of unity in favour of a (G8 sanctioned)
NATO led invasion. NATO nonetheless warned in early June that should
the diplomatic initiative not succeed, the Alliance would proceed with
a ground invasion involving 150,000 troops....


In the meantime, an incipient undeclared ground War has already
commenced:  special British, French and American forces were reported
to be advising the KLA in the conduct of ground combat operations
against regular units of the Yugoslav Army. To support this initiative,
a Republican sponsored bill was launched in the US Congress to provide
direct military aid to the KLA.

These "special forces" are "advising the rebels at their strongholds in
northern  Albania, where the KLA has launched a major recruitment and
training operation. According to high-ranking KLA officials, the
[British] SAS is using two camps near Tirana, the Albanian capital, and
another on the Kosovar border to teach KLA officers how to conduct
intelligence-gathering operations on Serbian positions".56 In May,
three French special forces officers wearing uniforms of the French
Armed Forces ("Parachutistes") were reported killed on the
Albania-Yugoslavia border by the Yugoslav daily Vecernje Novosti.
According to the French daily Libration, the three men were allegedly
"instructors in charge of coordinating ground war activities by the


In addition to the dispatch of Western special forces, Mujehadeen
mercenaries and other Islamic fundamentalist groups (financed inter
alia by Iran and Saudi financier Osmane Bin Laden) have been
collaborating with the KLA in the ground war.

"[B]y early December 1997, Iranian intelligence had already delivered
the first shipments of hand grenades, machine-guns, assault rifles,
night vision equipment, and communications gear... Moreover, the
Iranians began sending promising Albanian and UCK [KLA] commanders for
advanced military training in al-Quds [special] forces and IRGC camps
in Iran...58.

Bin Laden's Al Qa'ida allegedly responsible for last year's African
embassy bombings "was one of several fundamentalist groups that had
sent units to fight in Kosovo, ... Bin Laden is believed to have
established an operation in Albania in 1994 ... Albanian sources say
Sali Berisha, who was then president, had links with some groups that
later proved to be extreme fundamentalists".59


According to Jane Defence Weekly (10 May 1999), the KLA's new chief of
staff is former Croatian Armed Forces Brigadier General Agim Ceku (an
ethnic Albanian) who is currently under investigation by the War Crimes
Tribunal in the Hague (ICTY) for his role in "summary executions,
indiscriminate shelling of civilian populations and `ethnic cleansing'
during the War in Bosnia."60

NATO spokesman Jamie Shea's response to the appointment of a War
criminal as KLA chief of staff was communicated in a Press Briefing:

"I have always made it clear, and you have heard me say this, that NATO
has no direct contacts with the KLA. Who they appoint as their leaders,
that is entirely their own affair. I don't have any comment on that

Shea's statement that NATO has "no direct contacts with the KLA" is a
lie. It is in overt contradiction with other Alliance statements: "I
speak regularly to Hashim Thaci, the leader of the Kosovo Liberation
Army who's in Kosovo. I spoke to him at the end of last week" said
British Foreign Secretary Robin Cook.62

Operations on the ground (led by the KLA and NATO Special forces) are
now being carefully coordinated with the air campaign. Moreover, some
50 Canadian armed forces "are working with the KLA in Kosovo" to help
report "where the bombs are falling" so they can better target "where
the next bomb should go."63


The KLA has also been provided with "a long-term training deal with
Military and Professional Resources International [MPRI], a mercenary
company run by former American officers who operate with semi-official
approval from the Pentagon and played a key role in building up
Croatia's armed forces [during the War in Bosnia]."64 And General
Brigadier Agim Ceku (despite his role in "ethnic cleansing" in Bosnia),
is currently collaborating closely with the Pentagon's mercenary outfit
MPRI on behalf of the KLA.


A self-proclaimed provisional KLA government of Kosovo has been
established.  With KLA leader Hashim Thaci as Prime Minister designate,
the KLA has already been promised a central role in the formation of a
"post-conflict government".

While openly promoting a "freedom movement" with links to the drug
trade, NATO was also intent in bypassing the civilian Kosovo Democratic
League and its leader Ibrahim Rugova who had earlier called for an end
to the bombings. Rugova was branded as a "traitor" by the KLA.
According to Albanian state-run TV, the KLA had sentenced Rugova to
death accusing him of being "an agent of the regime in Belgrade."65

In April, Fehmi Agani, one of Rugova's closest collaborators in the
Democratic League was killed. The Serbs were blamed by NATO
spokesperson Jamie Shea for having assassinated Agani. According to
Skopje paper Makedonija Danas quoting reliable sources in Albania:
"Agani was killed... on the orders of Tirana where Thaci is located
with the members of his illegal government".66

According to a report of the Foreign Policy Institute:

"...the KLA have [no] qualms about murdering Rugova's collaborators,
whom it accused of  the "crime" of moderation. Most recently, although
Rugova's recent meeting with Milosevic  may well have been under
duress, the KLA declared Rugova a "traitor" - yet another step  toward
eliminating any competitors for political power within Kosovo."67

The KLA military regime had replaced the duly elected (by ethnic
Albanians) civilian provisional Kosovar government of President Ibrahim
Rugova. In a statement issued in April, the KLA considered the
(parallel) "parliamentary elections" organised by the Democratic League
and held in March 1998 to be invalid.

The self-proclaimed Kosovar administration is made up of the KLA and
the Democratic Union Movement (LBD), a coalition of five opposition
parties opposed to Rugova's Democratic League (LDK). In addition to the
position of prime minister, the KLA controls the ministries of finance,
public order and defence.  In the words of US State Department
spokesman James Foley:

`We want to develop a good relationship with them [the KLA] as they
transform themselves into a politically-oriented organization,'
...`[W]e believe that we have a lot of advice and a lot of help that we
can provide to them if they become precisely the kind of political
actor we would like to see them become.'68

With the KLA poised to play a central role in the formation of a "post
conflict" government, the tendency is towards the installation of a
"Mafia State" with links to the drug trade. The US State Department's
position is that the KLA would "not be allowed to continue as a
military force but would have the chance to move forward in their quest
for self government under a 'different context'" meaning the
inauguration of a de facto "narco-democracy"

under NATO protection: "If we can help them and they want us to help
them in that effort  of transformation, I think it's nothing that
anybody can argue with."69

In recent developments, the Alliance, however, has sought through the
intermediation of US Secretary of State Madeleine Albright to reconcile
divisions between Thachi, Rugova and other ethnic Albanian leaders
"primarily with a view to strengthening its [the Alliance's] own
position in the region."70


Wall Street analysts concur that "war is good for business"
particularly during a period of "economic slowdown". The US Congress
has approved increased budgetary allocations to finance the War in
Yugoslavia which will result in multi-billion contracts for America's
Defense industry. In turn, the War will boost the military-industrial
complex and its related high tech sectors in the US and Western Europe.
A ground war combined with a prolonged military occupation (as in
Bosnia) will prop up military spending. In turn, covert support and
financing of "freedom fighters" (extending beyond the Balkans into
Central Asia and the Middle East) will contribute to boosting the
lucrative contraband in small arms for an expanding market of insurgent
nationalist movements.


The "post conflict" agenda (under the proposed G8 "peace initiative"
consists in establishing in Kosovo an occupied territory under Western
administration (broadly on the same model as the 1995 Dayton Agreement
imposed on Bosnia-Herzegovina).

"Free market reforms" are envisaged for Kosovo under the supervision of
the Bretton Woods institutions. Article I (Chapter 4a) of the
Rambouillet Agreement stipulates that: "The economy of Kosovo shall
function in accordance with free market principles".

"Civilian administration [in Kosovo] and reconstruction would be
carried out by non-military bodies including the EU and the OSCE, with
input from the World Bank and the IMF to rebuild war-damaged
infrastructure and rehouse refugees.71

In close liaison with NATO, the Bretton Woods institutions had already
analyzed the consequences of an eventual military intervention leading
to the military occupation of Kosovo: almost a year prior to the
beginning of the War, the World Bank conducted "simulations" which
"anticipated the possibility of an emergency scenario arising out of
the tensions in Kosovo".72 The "simulations" conducted in Washington
have in fact already been translated into a panoply of "emergency
recovery loans" for Macedonia and Albania, and there is more to come...
Since the imposition of the embargo, Yugoslavia, however, is no longer
considered a member of the Bretton Woods institutions and will not be
eligible for IMF-World Bank loans until the sanctions are lifted.

The proposed "Marshall Plan" for the Balkans is a delusion. We recall
that in Bosnia, the costs of reconstruction were of the order of 50
billion dollars.  Western donors initially pledged $3 billion in
reconstruction loans, yet only a meagre $518 million dollars were
granted in December 1995, part of which was tagged (under the terms of
the Dayton Peace Accords) to finance some of the local civilian costs
of the Implementation Force's (IFOR) military deployment as well as
repay debt arrears with international creditors.73

The eventual "reconstruction" of Yugoslavia formulated in the context
of the "free market" reforms and financed by international debt largely
purport to create a safe haven for foreign investors rather than
rehabilitate the country's economic and social infrastructure. The
IMF's lethal "economic medicine" will be imposed, the national economy
will be dismantled, European and American banks will take over
financial institutions, local industrial enterprises which have not
been totally destroyed will be driven into bankruptcy. The most
profitable State assets will be transferred into the hands of foreign
capital under the World Bank sponsored privatisation programme. In
turn, "strong economic medicine" imposed by external creditors will
contribute to further boosting a criminal economy (already implanted in
Albania and Macedonia) which feeds on poverty and economic

"The Allies will work with the rest of the international community  to
help rebuild Kosovo once the crisis is over: The International Monetary
Fund and Group of Seven industrialized countries are among those who
stand ready to offer financial help to the countries of the region. We
want to ensure proper co-ordination of aid and help countries to
respond to the effects of the crisis. This should go hand in hand with
the necessary structural reforms in the countries  affected -- helped
by budget support from the international community.74

In turn, the  so-called "reconstruction" of the Balkans by foreign
capital will signify multi-billion contracts to multinational firms to
rebuild roads, airports and bridges which will eventually be required
(once the embargo is lifted) to facilitate the "free movement" of
capital and commodities.

The proposed "Marshall Plan" financed by the World Bank and the
European Development Bank (EBRD) as well as private creditors will
largely benefit Western mining, petroleum and construction companies
while fuelling the region's external debt well into the third
millennium. And the countries of the Balkans are slated to reimburse
this debt through the laundering of dirty money in the domestic banking
system which will be deregulated under the supervision of Western
financial institutions. Narco-dollars from the multi-billion dollar
Balkans drug trade will be recycled (through the banking system) and
channelled towards servicing the external debt as well as "financing"
the costs of "reconstruction".

The pattern for Kosovo is, in this regard, similar to that of Macedonia
and Albania. Since the early 1990s, the IMF's reforms have impoverished
the Albanian population while spearheading the national economy into
bankruptcy.  The IMF's deadly economic therapy transforms countries
into open territories.  In Albania and Macedonia it has fostered the
growth of illicit trade and the criminalisation of State institutions.

Moreover, even prior to the influx of refugees, NATO troops in
Macedonia and Albania had already occupied civilian facilities
(including hotels, schools, barracks and even hospitals) without
compensating the national governments for the use of local services.75

In a cruel irony, a significant part of these incurred costs as well as
those associated with the refugee crisis are now to be financed not by
the Alliance but by the national governments on borrowed money:

"[T]he Albanian government's formal structures have been paralysed by
the crisis. The country's treasury has been emptied by the initial
efforts to help the refugees."76


The extensive destruction of Yugoslavia, would normally require the
Alliance to "pay war reparations" to Belgrade. However, following a
pattern set in both Vietnam and Iraq, the Alliance will no doubt compel
Belgrade "to pay for the costs" of Operation Allied Force (including
the cruise missiles and radioactive shells) as a condition for the
"normalisation of relations" and the lifting of the economic embargo.

We recall in this regard that whereas Vietnam never received War
reparations payments, Hanoi was compelled --as a condition for the
"normalisation" of economic relations and the lifting of the US embargo
in 1994--, to recognize the "bad debts" of the defunct Saigon regime
which were largely used to finance the US War effort. By recognizing
(in a secret Paris Club agreement negotiatied in 1993) the legitimacy
of these debts, Vietnam had accepted "to pay war reparation damages" to
her former enemy.77

Similarly Baghdad has been "billed for the costs of the Gulf War",
--ie.  accumulated Iraqi debts including private claims against Iraq
have been carefully recorded by a special unit of the UN Security
Council. The recognition of these debts by Baghdad at some future date
will be a condition for the lifting of sanctions on Iraq.


1. Statement by UNICEF Representative in Belgrade, quoted in Yugoslav
Daily Survey, Belgrade, 23 May 1999, No. 4351.

2. Report by Dr Siegwart-Horst Guenther, meeting of the PBS (Federal
Socialists), Bonn, 17 May 1999.

3. International Action Center, "NATO Bombing Unleashes Environmental
Catastrophe in Europe", Press Release, 14 May 1999).

4. Joseph Fitchett, "Is Serb Economy the True Target? Raids Seem Aimed
at Bolstering Resistance to Milosevic", International Herald Tribune,
Paris, 26 May  1999.

5. Tanjug Press Release, 25 May 1999.

6. Statement to Ambassadors of 19 NATO Countries, quoted in Daily
Telegraph, London, 28 May 1999.

7. Ibid.

8. Sean Gervasi, Bosnia and Vietnam, draft text, 1995.

9. Financial Times, London, 6 May 1999, p. 2.

10. Ibid.

11. The Boston Globe, 8 April 1999.

12. According to Viktor Chechevatov, a Three-star General and Commander
of ground forces in Russia's Far East, quoted in The Boston Globe, 8
April 1999

13. Dr. Mary-Wynne Ashford, "Bombings Reignite Nuclear War Fears", The
Victoria Times-Colonist. 13 May 1999, page A15. Mary-Wynne Ashford is
co-president of the Nobel Peace Prize winning IPPNW.

14. Quoted in Mary-Wynne Ashford, op. cit.

15  Quoted by Dr. Mary-Wynne Ashford, op. cit.

16. Dr. Mary-Wynne Ashford, op cit.

17. Quoted in The Washington Post, May 9, 1999, page A20.

18. World Socialist Website editorial, 24 May 1999.

19. Diana Johnstone, On Refugees, Paris, 30 May 1999.

20. Ibid.

21. See "Lawyers Charge NATO Leaders Before War Crimes Tribunal",
Toronto, 6 May 1999.

22. See Financial Times, 27 May 1999.

23. See "Lawyers Charge NATO Leaders Before War Crimes Tribunal",
Toronto, 6 May 1999; see also Jude Wanniski, "Memo to US House Majority
Leader", Polyeconomics, New York, 10  May 1999.

24. Lawyers Charge NATO, op cit.

25. Ibid.

26. Ibid.

27. Chicago Tribune, 10 May 1999.  28. Intelligence Report from the
German Foreign Office, January 12, 1999 to the Administrative Court of

29. Status Report of the German Foreign Office, November 18, 1998 to
the Upper Administrative Court at Mnster, February 24, 1999.

30. See, Roland Keith, "Failure of Diplomacy, Returning OSCE Human
Rights Monitor Offers A View From the Ground in Kosovo", The Democrat,
May 1999.

31. US Department of Defense Press Release, 6 April 1999. The stated
purpose of the mission was "to discuss a range of security issues with
the recent ethnic clashes in Kosovo." In Skopje, the agenda consisted
in examining security arrangements to be implemented after the
termination of United Nations UNPREDEP programme.

32. Background briefing by a Senior Defense Official at NATO
Headquarters, Thursday, June 11, 1998.

33. Ibid.

34. US Department of Defense, Background Briefing, July 15, 1998.

35. For further details see Michel Chossudovsky, Kosovo `Freedom
Fighters' Financed by Organised Crime, Ottawa, 1999.

36. Quoted in The Daily Telegraph, London, 25 September 1998.

37. See Federation of American Scientists, "Operation Determined
Force", 24 March 1999, see also Financial Times, October 12, 1998.

38. Quoted in Federation of American Scientists, op. cit.

39. See Roland Keith, Appendix, op. cit.

40. United States Court of Appeals, for the District of Columbia
Circuit, Filed January 23, 1996, Division No. 86-6, in Re: Oliver L.

41. Ibid.

42. Roland Keith, Appendix, op. cit.

43. Confirmed by several press reports as well as statements of the
KLA, see also Radio 21 Dispatch, Tirana, February 28, 1999.

44. Roland Keith, Appendix, op cit.

45. Daily Telegraph, London, 29 January 1999.

46. Federation of American Scientists, op. cit.

47. Ibid.

48. Ibid.

49. Ibid.

50. "Margaret Warner talks with Cook about the latest developments in
the Yugoslav conflict", Jim Lehrer News Hour, 21 May 1999.

51. New York Times, 26  May 1999.

52. Washington Post, 23 May 1999.

53. Action launched in United States District Court for the District of
Columbia, Complaint for Declaratory Relief, Preliminary Statement,
District of Columbia, 27 May 1999.

54. Ibid., see also Truth in Media, Phoenix, 23 May 1999.

55. Washington Post, 27 May 1999.

56. Sunday Telegraph, London, 18 April 1999.

57. Libration, Paris, 19 May 1999.

58. Yossef Bodansky, "Italy Becomes Iran's New Base for Terrorist
Operations," Defense and Foreign Affairs Strategic Policy, London,
February 1998. Bodansky is Director of the US House Congressional Task
Force on Terrorism and Unconventional Warfare

59. Chris Steven, "Bin Laden Opens European Terror Base in Albania",
Sunday Times, London, 15 November 1998.

60. "War Crimes Panel Finds Croat Troops 'Cleansed' the Serbs," New
York Times, 21 March 1999.

61. NATO Press Briefing, 14 May 1999.

62. Jim Lehrer News Hour, op cit.

63. According to Canadian MP David Price, April 19, 1999, UPI Press
Dispatch.  64. Sunday Telegraph, London, 18 April 1999.

65. "US Is Trying to Reconcile Ethnic-Albanian Separatists", Belgrade,
Tanjug Press Dispatch, 30 May 1999.

66. Quoted in Tanjug Press Dispatch, 14 May 1999.

67. See Michael Radu, "Don't Arm the KLA", CNS Commentary from the
Foreign Policy Research Institute, 7 April, 1999).

68. New York Times, 2 February 1999.

69. Ibid.

70. Tanjug Press Dispatch, 30 May 1999.

71. See World Bank Development News, Washington, 27 April 1999.

72. Ibid.

73. See Michel Chossudovsky, Dismantling Yugoslavia, Colonising Bosnia,
Covert Action Quarterly, No. 56. Spring 1996.

74. Statement by Javier Solano, Secretary General of NATO, published in
The National Post, Toronto  May 1999).

75. See Jan Oberg, Press Info, no. 59, Insecuring Macedonia,
Transnational Foundation TFF, March 18, 1999.

76. Jane Intelligence Review, June 1999.

77. See Michel Chossudovsky, The Globalisation of Poverty, Impacts of
IMF and World Banks Reforms, Third World Network Penang and Zed Books,
1997, chapter 8.

*     *     *

Permission is granted to post this text on community internet sites,
provided the essay remains intact and the copyright note is displayed.


Michel Chossudovsky
Professor of Economics, University of Ottawa
E-Mail: <chossudovsky@sprint.ca>
Phone:  +1-613-562-5800, Ext. 1415


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